DEBAUCHERY OF
THE RASHTRIYA SWAYAMSEVAK SANGH TOP BRASS AS NARRATED BY INSIDER BALRAJ MADHOK
Balraj Madhok's
died on May 2, 2016 ending an era of old guards of Hindutva politics. A senior RSS
pracharak till his death was paid handsome tributes by the RSS leaders
including PM Modi, himself a senior pracharak, for being a "stalwart
leader of Jan Sangh. Balraj Madhok ji's ideological commitment was strong &
clarity of thought immense. He was selflessly devoted to the nation &
society. I had the good fortune of interacting with Balraj Madhok ji on many
occasions". The RSS also issued a formal condolence message signed by
the Supremo Mohan Bhagwat on behalf of all swayamsevaks, referring to his
contribution of commitment to nation and society. He was a leading RSS
pracharak on whom his organization relied for initiating prominent Hindutva
projects. But today nobody in the RSS-BJP top hierarchy remembers/talks about
Madhok as he was an insider chronicler of the immense degeneration which was
spreading as an epidemic in the high echelons of the RSS in 1970s and 80s. In
fact, Modi’s control of RSS is the continuation of what was exposed by Madhok.
Balraj Madhok
needs no introduction in Indian politics, especially of the Hindutva variety.
Born in 1920 in Gujranwala (now in Pakistan), he was closely associated with
the RSS, most of the times functioning as a prominent organizer since 1942. As
RSS pracharak he was the in-charge of Jammu & Kashmir State in pre-Partition
days, the responsibility that he continued to hold till 1948 when he was
ordered to leave the state by the Shiekh Abdullah Government. In Delhi, he
edited the English organ of the RSS, Organizer, founded student organization
of the RSS, ABVP, in 1948, and teamed up with Shyama Prasad Mukherji in establishing
political wing of the RSS, Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) in 1951. He held the crucial
posts of All India Secretary of the BJS (1951-1965), presidentship of Delhi BJS
(1954-1963) and all this culminated in his taking over as President of All
India BJS (1965-1967). It was during his stewardship of All India BJS that the
party made significant gains in the general elections of 1968 by reducing
Congress in minority in many states. He was elected to the Lower House of the
Indian Parliament, Lok Sabha, twice (1961 & 1967) from Delhi.
Madhok despite
his busy life as politician was an indefatigable writer too, and is known for
his controversial political writings. In fact, he was mainly responsible for
articulating the Hindutva’s ideological response to the problem of minorities
specially Muslims by propounding the theory of ‘Indianization’ in 1969. Madhok
also penned his autobiographical writings —Zindagi Ka Safar –1 and
Zindagi Ka Safar–2, the first two volumes of his journey of life appeared in
1994. It is after 9 years that third volume in this series, Zindagi Ka Safar
–3: Deendayal Upadhyay Ki Hatya Se Indira Gandhi Ki Hatya Tak (Journey
of Life-3: From the Murder of Deendayal Upadhyay to the Murder of Indira
Gandhi) was published in 2003. This volume is full of shocking incidents and
explosive facts concerning RSS. The canvass of this part of the autobiography
covered political happenings between 1968 and 1984, starting with the
controversial murder of newly appointed President of BJS, Deendayal Upadhyay
and ending with the assassination of the Prime Minister of India, Indira
Gandhi. It is true that issues and controversies raised in the 3rdvolume
of Madhok's autobiography were in public domain earlier also, but the first
hand shocking facts presented in this autobiography about the controversial
death (which Madhok described as murder) of prominent leader, ideologue and
thinker of RSS, Deendayal Upadhyay and the complicity of some of the then RSS
cadres namely Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Nana Deshmukh led to a hell of a
controversy demanding explanations from the concerned leaders. Madhok even held
MS Golwalkar, the most prominent ideologue of RSS, the 2nd Sarsanghchalak
(Supremo) and the 3rd sarsanghchalak of RSS, Balasaheb Deoras guilty
of shielding the above referred duo in their misdemeanors. If Madhok's autobiography
is to be believed then the RSS top brass had already reached its nadir of
degeneration. The most significant aspect of this autobiography was that Balraj
Madhok penned it as a living swayamsevak (pracharak).
While outlining
the nature of his treatment of the incidents and facts in his autobiography, Madhok
wrote in the foreword,
“In this 3rd part of
‘Zindagee kaa Safar’ [The journey of life] I have tried to present the
prominent incidents of this stormy era, my experiences and their influence on
me, Jan Sangh and life of Nation with factual and objective narration and evaluation.
Being a student of history I have always kept in mind the universally accepted
principle of history, ‘facts are sacred’ though there may be different
interpretations.”
Madhok was of
the firm view that Deendayal Upadhyay’s murder on February 1, 1968, was the
harbinger and beginning of a vicious rising storm which derailed the Jana
Sangh. Before unfolding the mystery of Upadhyay’s murder he raised few
questions:
"Why was he murdered, who were
the people involved in the conspiracy, what was their aim and goal behind this
conspiracy all this is still shrouded in mystery. But all this will (surely) be
unveiled as circumstantial evidences about his murder are quite revealing.” (p. 14-15)
"One thing is clear. Behind the
murder of Deendayal Upadhyay was neither the hand of Communists nor of any
thief...He was killed by a hired assassin. But conspirators who sponsored this
killing were those self-seekers and leaders with a criminal bent of mind of
Sangh-Jan Sangh." (p. 22)
“Though those jealous self-seekers
to whom the finger of suspicion points, in conspiring the murder of Deendayal Upadhyay,
are benefitting by his name, but do not want truth of his murder to come out.
However, as a student of history I believe that the blood of Deendayal Upadhyay
will be avenged, history will do justice to him and those who conspired to kill
him will be subjected to a curse.” (p. 15)
“he was constantly striving that
ill-reputed people should get no promotion in BJS, so that reputation of the
organisation is not tarnished. For this reason some characterless self-seeking
people were finding him a stumbling block in their path of self-seeking fulfillment.” (p. 14)
Who these
characterless self-seekers were, Madhok minced no words in telling their names.
According to the autobiography, even Madhok was familiar with them as President
of BJS. According to him:
“Some time back when I was the
President of Jana Sangh, Jagdish Prasad Mathur, in-charge of the Central
Office, who was staying with Atal Behari at 30, Rajendra Prasad Road, had
complained to me that Atal had turned that house into a den of immoral activities.
Every day new girls were coming there. Things were getting out of hand. So as a
senior leader of Jana Sangh I have dared to bring to your notice this fact. I
had some information about character of Atal, but the situation had
deteriorated so much, I did not know. I called Atal to my residence and in a
closed room inquired from him about matters raised by Jagdish Prasad Mathur.
The explanation he offered further proved the facts conveyed by Jagdish Prasad
Mathur. Then I suggested to him that he should get married, otherwise, he was
bound to get a bad name, and the reputation of Jan Sangh was also bound to
suffer.” (p. 25)
As a close and
keen observer of developments in BJS in the immediate post Deendayal Upadhyay
period he was astonished to find that a dominant section of the RSS leadership
was bent upon making Atal Behari Vajpayee President of BJS. This was happening
despite the fact that Madhok did bring all these facts to the notice of the
then sarsanghchalak of RSS, MS Golwalkar. According to the account given in the
autobiography the meeting took place in Delhi in early 1970.
“After listening to my talk he [Golwalkar]
kept quiet for some time and then said — ‘I know of the weaknesses of the
character of these people. But I have to run an organization. I have to take
everybody together, so like Shiva I drink poison every day.’
And then he advised me that being a
senior member of the organization I should also do the same and try to take
everybody along. He specially referred the name of Nana Deshmukh and suggested
that I should take him into confidence and collaborate with him. After
listening him I had the inkling of not only of his mental anguish but also his
helplessness in controlling the situation.” (pp.
62-63)
"It has been the tradition of
Jana Sangh that if the president expires before completing his term, senior
vice-president is given the responsibility for the rest of the term. So I
thought that Shri Pitamber Das or Principal Dev Prasad Ghosh will be given this
responsibility. Atal Behari Vajpayee was nowhere in the reckoning (Atal
Behari Vajpayee kisi ginti maen nahin thaa). I was stunned when informed
that Sangh leaders wanted to make Atal Behari Vajpayee President.
“Immediately after becoming
President he removed Jagannath Joshi from the important post of organization
in-charge (sangathan mantri) and appointed Nana Deshmukh to this post. Thus
two persons, who got immediate benefit from the murder of Shri Upadhyay, were
those about whom Shri Upadhyay during the tenures of his General Secretaryship
and Presidentship had adopted a conscious policy of keeping away from important
posts.”(pp. 16-17)
Balraj Madhok
in his autobiography made serious allegations against Atal Behari Vajpayee and
Nana Deshmukh for thwarting any investigation about the real murderer/s of Deendayal
Upadhyay. According to him whatever public posture RSS might have taken about
Upadhyay’s death, Atal Behari Vajpayee treated it as a simple an accident. When
Madhok entered into a debate with Atal Behari Vajpayee on this issue, the
latter retorted in the following words, as quoted in the autobiography; “Deendayal
was a hot-headed (jhagraloo) person, might have picked a fight with
someone in the train and in the scuffle got pushed out and died, do not call it
murder.” (p. 16)
“When
Chandrachud Commission started the enquiry I was informed that BJS President
(Atal Behari Vajpayee) has given the whole responsibility of presenting Jan
Sangh’s case before the Commission to Nana Deshmukh so from Jan Sangh side only
those would appear as witnesses who have been cleared (picked) by Nana Deshmukh
and without his permission no other member of Jan Sangh should go to appear as
witness. I was expecting that I will surely be presented before the Commission
but I did not figure in the list of witnesses presented by Nana Deshmukh...In
such a situation Chandrachud Commission failed in unraveling the mystery of
this murder. The attitude which was adopted by Atal Behari Vajpayee and Nana
Deshmukh in relation to the enquiry commission and the kind of witnesses
presented can only draw this conclusion that instead of unveiling the truth
they were interested in a cover up.” (p 19)
Madhok also found
the hand of Balasaheb Deoras, who became sarsanghchalak of RSS after M S
Golwalkar, in the murder of Deendayal Upadhyay. According to him,
“After becoming the president of BJS
the stature of Shri Deendayal Upadhyay grew further. Then the possibility that
he might become
the next sarsanghchalak of RSS used to be expressed. This possibility was
unacceptable to some of the self-seeking Sangh people, specially Balasaheb Deoras.
They started feeling that due to Deendayal their chances of further advancement
might be jeopardized. Possibly, this is the reason that after the murder of Deendayal,
he not only took direct interest in making Atal Behari Vajpayee President of Jana
Sangh but also helped in covering up the murder of Deendayal. He wanted me to
stop talking about it as a murder and describe it as an accident like him. But
I was notready to hide a fact witnessed by my own eyes and verified.” (p. 21)
This autobiography also highlighted the degenerated personal and
political life of Balasaheb Deoras. Referring to the Emergency days of 1975, it
goes on to tell that,
“Sarsanghchalak
of the Sangh, Shri Bala Saheb Deoras was held under MISA. In contrast to
the life of struggle and idealism of Shri Golwalkar, he was fond of good
living. That is the reason that he wrote two letters on August 22, 1975 and
November 10, 1975 to Indira Gandhi for reconsidering her attitude towards the
Sangh and lifting the ban from it. He also wrote a letter to Shri Vinoba Bhave
requesting him to try to remove from Indira Gandhi’s heart anti [Sangh]
feelings." (p.
188-189)
According to the autobiography, Atal Behari Vajpayee and company
continued to make all kinds of efforts to finish off his political career. They
even succeeded in expelling him from the primary membership of BJS in 1973. Madhok
was bitter about L. K. Advani who allowed him to be a puppet in this vicious
game. Madhok wrote that his expulsion was
“an immoral,
unconstitutional and criminal act. In this Sarkaryavah of the Sangh,
Balasaheb Deoras, and some other parcharaks including Madho Rao Mulay
and organising secretaries played a prominent role. They used Atal as a shield
and Advani as a puppet.” (p. 144)
“The position of Lal Krishan Advani was like a puppet. He was not
qualified for the post [presidentship of BJS] which was given to him after
discarding many senior workers. I knew through my personal experience that he
is a boneless wonder. He has neither personal integrity nor opinion. But he is
lucky. The office which he had got due to the prasad or offerings of Vajpayee and officials of RSS,
keeping aside its honour, he acted as a bonded labourer, for any work assigned
to him.” (p. 146)
Shamsul Islam.
Email: notoinjustice@gmail.com
|
ZINDAGI KA SAFAR-3: DEENDAYAL UPADHYAY
KI HATHTHYA SE INDIRA GANDHI KI HATHTHYA TAK [The journey of life-3: From the murder of Deendayal Upadhyay
to the murder of Indira Gandhi] is part 3 of Balraj Madhok’s autobiography. Publisher
Dinman Prakashan, 3014, Charkheywalan, Delhi-110006. MOBILE:
98732 38067. EMAIL: dinmanprakashan@gmail.com |
|
Balraj Madhok died as a member of RSS |
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