Monday, June 17, 2024

BJP IS UNDER HEGEMONY OF RSS: FACT CORROBORATED BY RSS ARCHIVES

 

BJP IS UNDER HEGEMONY OF RSS: FACT CORROBORATED BY RSS ARCHIVES

Ram Madhav is the intellectual face of RSS. He was the RSS spokesperson for more than a decade (2003-2014) and was loaned to BJP in 2014, becoming its prime general secretary. Presently, he is a member of the RSS executive. It is expected that his narratives on different issues would reflect authentic RSS views. In a recent write-up (‘The kite-flying about RSS’, The Indian Express, May 25, 2024) he stated that those who were talking of RSS being part of the electoral politics were ‘kite-flying’ meaning falsifying the RSS stand to keep aloof from politics. It is interesting to note here that kite-flying did not begin with the detractors of RSS but by president of BJP, JP Nadda who on May 18 stated that “In the beginning we would have been less capable, smaller and needed the RSS. Today, we have grown and we are capable. The BJP runs itself. That’s the difference”.

Claim that RSS is a non-political organization

According to Madhav RSS long ago “after prudent consideration” decided to keep “a distance from the day-to-day and especially from, electoral politics”. However, RSS allowed swayamsevaks to join any political party which did not believe in violence and secret methods. In support of non-political RSS Madhav quoted the most prominent ideologue of RSS, MS Golwalkar who “summing up the RSS’s sentimental reticence for politics” declared that “Personally, I am outside politics” and “why should people drag us into politics? We are happy with them as politicians and ourselves as swayamsevaks”.

What do RSS archives tell?

We must compare the above statement of Madhav with the following two statements of Golwalkar. The first statement tells us about the kind of personnel who are sent to manipulate politics and what is expected of them by the RSS. While delivering a speech on March 16, 1954, in Sindi, Wardha, he said, “If we say that we are part of the organization and accept its discipline then selectiveness has no place in life. Do what is told. If told to play kabaddi, play kabaddi; told to hold meeting then meeting….For instance some of our friends were told to go and work for politics that does not mean that they have great interest or inspiration for it. They don’t die for politics like fish without water. If they are told to withdraw from politics then also there is no objection. Their discretion is just not required.” [Golwalkar, MS, Shri Guruju Samgr Darshan (collected works of Golwalkar in Hindi), Bhartiya Vichar Sadhna, Nagpur (RSS publication house), vol. III, n. d., p. 32.]

The second statement is also very significant and clearly highlights the high level of political ambitions of the RSS. While addressing the leading RSS cadres at Indore on March 5, 1960 he said: “We know this also that some of our Swayamsevaks work in politics. There they have to organize according to the needs of work public meetings, processions etc., have to raise slogans. All these things have no place in our work. However, like the character in a play whatever role has been assigned should be portrayed with best of capability.” [Ibid, vol. iv, pp. 4-5.]

We find here Golwalkar referring to the Swayamsevaks loaned to political satellite as ‘nat’ or performers who are meant to dance to the tunes of the RSS. This fact should not be missed here that Golwalkar’s above design of controlling the political arm was elaborated in March 1960 almost nine years after the establishment of Jan Sangh (the forerunner of the BJP) in 1951.

RSS created Bhartiya Jan Sangh (1951) and BJP (1980)

The claim that BJP is an independent political organization and does not work under the dictates of the RSS needs to be compared with the facts available in the official publications of the RSS. The central publication house of the RSS, the Suruchi Prakashan, has published a book, Param Vaibhav Ke Path Par (The Road to Great Glory) by a prominent RSS leader, Sadanand D Sapre, in 1997 giving details of more than 40 organizations created by the RSS for different tasks. The BJP as a political organization figures prominently in it, clubbed with the ABVP, Hindu Jagaran Manch, Vishva Hindu Parishad, Swadeshi Jagaran Manch and Sanskar Bharti. 

In this book the BJP figures at number 3 in the list of prominent organizations created by the RSS. This book gives details of the creation and development of Bhartiya Jan Sangh (the forerunner of the BJP) and then BJP by the RSS for the purposes determined by the latter.

In the light of the above disclosures in the RSS publications Madhav must do serious introspection when he stated that RSS members like Balraj Madhok and Shyama Prasad Mookerjee founded the Bharatiya Jana Sangh in 1951 independently. It is also to be noted that this entry into electoral politics by RSS was in blatant violation of the promise which Golwalkar made to Sardar Patel as a condition for lifting ban on the RSS after the murder of Gandhiji. It also was in direct contravention of the Article 4 (B) of the constitution of the RSS which to quote Madhav “categorically states that ‘the Sangh, as such, has no politics’”.

Shamsul Islam

(Taught political science at University of Delhi, author of Hindu Nationalism and RSS.)

Email: notoinjustice@gmail.com

M-9968007740

https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/is-the-bjp-independent-of-rss-rss-archives-say-no-9369336/

WHITE-WASHING CRIMES OF 'VEER' SAVARKAR!

 


WHITE-WASHING CRIMES OF VEER SAVARKAR!

The biography of Savarkar titled SAVARKAR AND THE MAKING OF HINDUTVA [Princeton, 2024] by Professor Janaki Bakhle of University of California is part of campaign of rehabilitation of VD Savarkar as Indian nationalist, nationalist historian, rationalist, a social reformer, and crusader against Untouchability. It is first time after Dhananjay Keer’s official biography of Savarkar titled VEER SAVARKAR (1950) that primary Marathi resources have been relied. Professor Bakhle passes Savarkar with faith in Hindutva or Hinduness, which was nothing but Hindu separatism, as a great role model of Indian nationalism. As a flag-bearer Hindutva he refused to accept Muslims and Christians as part of Indian nation. Interestingly, Jinnah and Muslim League (ML) were rightly declared as opponents of Indian nationalism because they did not believe in an all-inclusive Indian nation.

About other credentials of Savarkar as narrated by Professor Bakhle one wonders how these could be true when he criticized Shivaji for not allowing rapes of Muslim and Christian women (‘Perverted conception of virtues’ in Six Glorious Epochs, p. 450), as a diehard Casteist he declared Manusmriti as most worshippable after Vedas (‘Women in Manusmriti’). I wish Professor Bakhle had gone through Hindu Mahasabha (HM) presidential addresses of Savarkar in which he declared Hindus and Muslims as two ‘antagonistic nations’ living in India (1937 HM session at Ahmedabad), justified running of coalition governments with Jinnah led ML in 1942 (1942 HM session at Kanpur), sided with the colonial masters in suppressing Quit India Movement 1942 (Kanpur session) and joined the British war efforts in the World War II when Subhash Chander Bose was trying to organize liberation army from abroad (Kanpur session).

Author for reasons known to her only did not take note of a crucial primary source material, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar’s Whirlwind Propaganda: Extracts from the President’s Diary of his Propagandist Tours Interviews from December 1937 to October 1941, published by HM. It is a must-read work for anybody who wants to know the real Savarkar. It was published in 1941 and was edited by A. S. Bhide, a close confidant of Savarkar. This book, according to its Preface, was “primarily meant to serve as an authoritative text and faithful guide to the propagandists, workers and leaders of the Hindu Mahasabha movement in particular, and the Hindu public in general, enlightening the lines of practical application of the fundamental ideology of the Hindu Sangathan Movement to the various detailed questions and problems which face the Hindus today”. In this record we find Savarkar proposing to the British Queen that if Britain planned to relinquish power it should hand over India to the Nepal King as he was the king of all Hindus of the world. This Diary contains Savarkar’s letters to Sanatani Hindus that HM would never support law for compulsory entry of Sudras in Hindu temples or support laws which would interfere in the personal laws of Hindu brethren. Sadly, this work has disappeared from libraries, but I can provide a copy.

Lastly, this work is completely silent on the 1911, 1913, 1914 1918 and 1920 Mercy Petitions of Savarkar in which he begged for release from the Cellular Jail as a ‘prodigal son’ who wanted to return to the ‘parental doors of the Government', thus securing a remission of almost 40 years out of 50 years' conviction.